KEYWORD DICTIONARY OF CONTEMPORARY ART

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index PROJECT Astronesian Atlas We - In between kita and kami
Posak Jodian # Kami # Kita # Lumah

We - In between kita and kami

  • KITA
  • KAMI
  • IN BETWEEN KITA AND KAMI

“Who are you? Why should we tell you these things?”

In 2018, I led another artist back to my native village for the first time, acting as a guide. Before this, I had only participated, whether directly or indirectly, in the public affairs of our village by performing tasks suitable to my age set during tribal festivals. After graduation, having worked in northern Taiwan for a long time, I did not have time – or I did not “make time for myself” – to stay in the village, except for the festivals. After discussing with the other artist and heeding the advice of a “kaka” (pronoun for an elder brother or sister in the Amis/Pangcah language), we decided to visit the activity center and join the company of elders to say hello, introduce ourselves, and explain the project to them at the “Cultural Health Station” (the communal long-term care facility) the next day, after we had arrived in the village. I was extremely nervous the night before, because I felt that the elders would not know who I was. Even though both my maternal and paternal grandparents (who had all passed away a few years before) were not much younger than they were. By explaining our project to them, we hoped to gain their recognition and assistance, and be granted the opportunity to learn traditional knowledge from them. However, before introducing the project, I had to first deal with and assess my own social distance from the village.

Due to a pre-arranged activity and the elder meeting at the Cultural Health Center in the morning, we simply accompanied the elders and joined their activities before lunch, to quietly listen to their discussions and have lunch with them, while sporadically introducing ourselves and explaining our purpose in coming to the village, during our conversations with them. Feeling somewhat anxious, and also because of being timid, I kept interacting with them like an outsider, introducing my job, the friend I brought with me, as well as our research project. The elders were very friendly to us. They patiently read the reference kit we brought, and did their best to answer our questions. During the process of chitchatting and asking questions, the mama (father) of one of the staff members at the Cultural Health Station was perhaps puzzled by my abrupt questions, or was not fully informed of our project. So, when I asked him questions somewhat clumsily, and tried to communicate with him, he just looked at me and said rather bluntly, “you come from the outside. Who are you? Why should we tell you these things?” Blindsided by his reply, I could only manage to make an apology for my intrusion, and even forgot to explain our purpose more clearly, before excusing myself to stand aside. All of a sudden, the pent-up anxiety and worries came bursting out, and my eyes began to well up. After a while, the kaka who knew me well saw that I was hiding at the event’s margins. He comforted me by encouraging me and saying, “mama likes to joke. You only need to explain who you are clearly.” At that time, I did not really understand the unspoken message in this reminder. I had only convinced myself that the elders would not know who I was, and I had to cope with the fact that I did not understand anything.

During the session to properly introduce our project, my fellow artist and I showed the documentation of our previous projects and their processes on computers. I explained to the elders about the photographic and filming equipment that we would use for our work, while the other artist was busy showing the pictures he had taken before, hoping to create a stronger bond and sympathetic resonance. However, the elders only looked at us blankly. So, the kaka helped by providing more information about the area where my family originated and the family I came from. Only then did the elders begin to respond. After the kaka finished talking, one of the elderly women came up to me, and said, “which daughter of Kuku’s are you?” She spoke in our native tongue, in which I was not fluent. However, her question was simple enough, and I answered her in our native tongue briefly and replied, “the second.” Then, she came over, held my hands, and hugged me, starting to cry. According to her, she was a good friend of my maternal grandmother. Because I looked very much like my mother and my grandmother, she thought of the past, and her memory suddenly rushed back. She later added that she was not only my grandmother’s friend but also a relative on the side of my paternal grandfather. At this moment, the mama spoke smilingly, “so we know each other. You should have told us earlier!” Only then did I realize that I had been hiding behind the mask of an outsider, worrying and feeling anxious, and did not properly inform the elders about my identity, my connection and contextual relationship with the village, as well as what propelled me to come back with my artist friend, with a studious attitude of learning.

Before this very moment, the “we” referred by the mama at first, in fact, did not include me. However, based on his tone and choice of words, I knew that the “we” he was referring to in the end included me. Such way of defining “we” and others in a group is based a rather natural concept in the Amis/Pangcah language. However, when is the “we-group” referred to, and when the “non-we-group”? Are the boundary always well-defined and unchangeable?

In the Amis/Pangcah community, there are two types of “we”: one is signified by the word “kami,” which is the “we” that does not include “you” (the listener or reader), and denotes a more limited scope of “we,” as opposed to the listener; the other is indicated by the word “kita,” which is the “we” that includes “you,” and refers to the “we” that includes the listener or everyone, signaling a larger range, and is vaguer. As to which “we” should be used, it is a judgment call to be made by the speaker, and depends on the speech context.

However, due to different levels of distance/closeness and spatial conception conveyed by the language, when using “we,” it is possible to clearly determine whether “kita” or “kami” should be used in some situations. For instance:

1. Nanay (hope) mapalemed (be blessed/be led into dreams) kita (we)
Translation: Hopefully, we can be blessed/led into dreams.


2. Malemeday (good fortune) kame (we).
Translation: We are lucky.

Situationally and habitually speaking, when a speaker gives a blessing, “kita” is usually used because one would hope to include the group envisioned for the blessing as well as the listener and other receivers of this message, so that all would be blessed. The spatial range of the group indicated by the sentence can be expanded accordingly. Therefore, in the first example, it would be inappropriate to replace “kita” with “kami.” In the second example, on the other hand, it is clear that the speaker is describing the group he/she belongs to, so “kita” would not be used in such a situation.

Kita

In “Ka-kita-an (Where We Are), the Non ‘Tribalist’ Concept of We-Group,” Namoh Nofu Pacidal discusses the viewpoint and spatial concept revealed by the term “ka-kita-an,” which uses “kita” as the root. In the traditional Amis/Pangcah society in the past, the ritualistic tradition at the “kakita’an” (ancestral house of the family of the ancestral origin) used to be the center of the everyday tribal life and spirit. Furthermore, in the theocratic context of the traditional Amis/Pangcah society, “kakita’an” was the center of the Amis/Pangcah people’s rituals and life, both in terms of their social system and religious beliefs. However, denoting the ancestral house of the family of the ancestral origin, the term is formed with the inclusive root “kita,” rather than the non-inclusive “kami,” in the Amis/Pangcah language:

Linguistically speaking, “kita” is the stem of “ka-kita-an.” “Kita” means (non-exclusive) “we.” “Ka” (a prefix indicating intention) + “kita” (we) + “an” (place) means “the place where we are.” In fact, it is quite understandable that “kita” was used to form “kakita’an” instead of “kami.” “Kita” refers to “we,” which includes the listener (non-exclusive), whereas “kami” excludes the listener. For the family of the ancestral origin, all the families that have branched out are indeed part of the we-group—they are part of us, who have originated from the same “clan origin.” The “clan origin” is the “kita’an,” or where we are—the ancestral origin.

Namoh Nofu Pacidal 2017

What is implied by the term “katkia’an,” therefore, is the collective history of all the families that have branched out from the ancestral family, including those who have moved or migrated:

“History” exists “in between” the coexistence. The “in between” describes the connections among “individuals,” hence their coexistence “in between” history.

Namoh Nofu Pacidal 2017

Consequently, we can understand that the group conceived by the term “kita” in the instance of “ka-kita-an” encompasses a corresponding concept of space and boundary, which is not always fixed and unchanging. The description of “kita” in the Amis/Pangcah language, the formation of a group, whether it is fluid, migratory, or wandering, is due to the connections between and differences of individuals. In other words, the formation and reference of “kita” as a whole exists because it includes different individuals in their respective forms. So, when using “kita,” its boundary is blurry, and it contains diverse forms. In spite of this, we share in this group that makes us a collective whole.

When revisiting to my native culture, conducting field work, making art, or even carrying out intercultural exchange, the concepts of “kita” and “kami” have gradually become my rule of thumb for evaluating myself, as well as a reminder of the different distances, closeness, and levels between two identities. I would think about the situations that do not permit an interchange of the terms, as well as the situations in which the boundary between them becomes blurry, and they become mutually replaceable.

Kami

"Kami" is used in situations when a speaker wants to plainly refer to the exclusive group of us in everyday life. However, in addition to its everyday use, it can be observed that “kami” has gradually become a vocabulary used in the occasion of campaigning for ethnic cultural development as well as for social and resistance movements. For instance :

O sowal (language) no niyam (ours) kami (we), Mipa’es (safeguard/protect) to saka’orip (to survive) no finacadan (race)!
Translation: We are our language. Protect the right of racial survival!

As a result, what “kami” implies is the relative closeness revealed by the words in the description, as well as the clearly referred scope. Moreover, the connection between the listener and the described group is relatively clear as well.

In between kita and kami

Due to the differences among the members in the group, it is the different backgrounds of individuals that is highlighted, rather than the formation of a homogenous collective whole. Consequently, sometimes the “we-group” is referred to by “kita,” and sometimes “kami”—the concept of “we-group” encompasses differences between and flexibility in relation to one another. The difference embedded in the pair of synonyms, “kita/kami,” which I have learned from my native language, has also become a starting point for mutual care when I interact with different cultural groups.

In 2019, I joined an international exchange project, title KMTX 2019 Beyond Borders- a search for self, organized by the Open Contemporary Art Center (OCAC) and the Malaysia-based Center for Orang Asli Concerns (COAC), for which I traveled to the Malay Peninsula, and visited the Temiar tribe in Kampu Cunex, Perak; the Desa Temuan next to Bukit Lanjan in Selangor; the Jakun tribe in Jemeri, Pahang; and the Mah Meri tribe in Bumbu, Carey Island, where I conducted dialogues with the people there, with my own situations as a member of the indigenous community as a reference point. During my visit to the Temiar tribe in Kampung Cunex, Perak, there were a few nights when I was invited to join their traditional ritual. It was carried out in a traditional building without any interior source of light. Before the ritual began, only a few candles were lit in front of Atok Long, who led the ritual, for the benefit of people taking their seats, and were put out as soon as the ritual had commenced. There was only occasional light when the moonlight sieved through the thatch and wood. As an artist relying on video documentation to make works, it was impossible to film during the ritual. In fact, I was told in advance that any form of visual documentation and audio recording was prohibited. The ritual proceeded entirely in darkness. The people’s singing, the music from musical instruments, and the sounds of them, dancing filled the room and persisted for more than an hour each time. In the dark, I always felt an indescribable sense of stupor. Near the end, everyone would take turns being soaked in water that flowed down from leaves; I was also invited to receive the protection of the spirits through water every time. After the ritual, they told me that I was now part of their community because I had been soaked with the water in the ritual, and I needed to abide by some rules as well.

Some days later, when we were chatting about the process of the ritual, the people from the tribe offered voluntarily to re-create the activity that they had carried out in the dark in their activity center, so that I could film it. I was extremely surprised that they would be willing to re-create the entire ritual. However, after we reached an understanding about the re-creation of the ritual and the filming of it – that it was not about their belief and exchange with the spirits, but simply for the sake of helping me understand and make documentation – I suddenly comprehended the logic of this “re-enactment”— how/why they could “perform” it for me, and we both agreed that it was simply a “performance,” which could be recorded and shared. Its reproduction and communication would become a way for others to understand their culture. Nevertheless, this re-enactment was in reality detached from their life and belief.

During this “performance,” we had a pleasant evening. Before we started, the elders even had a discussion about whether or not they should wear their traditional clothing for performing, so that there would be better images for the filming. Everyone agreed to re-enact the ritual in the most comfortable attire, because it was what they would normally do in the ritual. In the end, with the same clothing, music, and sounds, I filmed the same movements carried out by the people in the ritual, and the processes they performed. However, the site was a different venue; the sense of space had changed; and my role in relation to them was not the same as well. Naturally, I was always someone who had come into their lives from another country, community and culture. Despite this difference, I was accepted as a member of their community, invited to collectively receive the blessings of the spirits in the ritual. On the other hand, regarding the performance, filming, communication, and artistic creation, the same difference had to be clearly understood and defined. In the “performance,” we could imitate their activity and feeling in the dark, but that particular state and communion felt during the actual ritual could only be truly captured in that unilluminated house, without any video documentation, and throughout their communion with the spirits.

In between “kita” and “kami,” the unlit house and the well-lit activity center, and my finding a connection with the tribe and the exhibition project, the change of identity in relation to the group only happened in an instant, at a gap, or in between different angles of thinking. Defining a we-group sometimes needs to be distinct, and can sometimes be vague. However, it is precisely because of such ways of thinking that difference and flexibility are preserved in the defining process. In the connection and transition between different cultures and experiences, I have sometimes felt overwhelmed, sometimes frustrated, while being recognized at other times. Yet, “kita” and “kami” have served as a reminder and a rule of principle for me, and have provided me with the elbow room and assessment necessary for artistic creation.

THE FIRST-PERSON PLURAL PRONOUNS
IN THE AMIS/PANGCAH LANGUAGE

  • First-person plural (inclusive) First-person plural (exclusive)
  • Nominative Case kita kami
  • Objective Case titanan tamiyanan
  • Genetive Case ita niyam
  • Possessive Case mita niyam

你是誰?我們為什麼要跟你說這些?

2018年,我首次以引路人的身份帶著其他藝術家回部落,在此之前我只有在部落的祭典時期,透過加入年齡階層的工作得以直接或間接的參與部落中的公共事務,結束學生時期以後已在北部工作已久的我,除了祭典的期間平日也沒有時間或是沒有「使自己有時間」待在部落裡面。在我與另一位藝術家的討論以及聽取kaka(哥哥姊姊的代稱)的建議後,我們決定,在回到部落以後的隔天就先到活動中心與加入文化健康站(社區長照機構,以下簡稱「文健站」)的耆老們打招呼、自我介紹並且說明此次計劃的來歷。前一天晚上我非常緊張,因為耆老不會知道我是誰,我的祖父母與外祖父母雖與他們年齡相距不遠,但他們前幾年都已過世。我們將說明計畫,希望得到耆老的認可與幫助,並希望藉此獲得學習傳統知識的機會,然而,在引介計畫之前,我首先需要面對與丈量自己與部落的距離。

早上的時間,由於文健站已有安排好的活動與耆老會議,因此午餐以前我們就跟隨著耆老參與在他們的活動裡,在一旁聆聽會議的討論、一起用餐,並且在聊天與互動的過程中,各別而零散的自我介紹並說明來歷。挾帶著忐忑心情的我,因為緊張與膽怯都以一種外人的身份與長輩互動,說明自己的工作、介紹帶來的朋友、這次計畫想做的研究等,耆老們都待我們非常友善,耐心地看著我們帶去的參考資料,也對我們提出的問題努力地提供自己所擁有的經驗與知識。在這過程中,文建站裡一位作工作人員的mama在我與他閒聊與提問的過程中,也許是被突如其來的問題所困惑,也或許他沒有得到我們充分的說明,在我笨拙的試圖像他提問與溝通時,他看著我直接的說「你從外面來,你是誰?我們為什麼要跟你說這些?」,我一時語塞說不出話來,只能先道歉自己的打擾,也忘記更加清晰地做說明,便藉故躲到一旁。昨晚的忐忑所累積下的不安一時之間湧現出來,眼眶也跟著紅了起來,直到熟識的kaka發現我躲在一旁,安慰並伴隨著鼓勵的跟我說「mama愛開完笑,好好說明你是誰就好!」,當時的我並未了解這些提醒是什麼,只是告訴自己耆老不會知道我是誰,要面對自己什麼都不了解的事實。

在正式說明的時段,我與同行的藝術家用電腦展示過去活動的紀錄與當中的經過,並且說明自己工作會用到的攝影工具,隨行的藝術家也忙碌的展示自己所拍攝過的照片,希望藉此帶來更多的連結與共感。耆老們一臉茫然的看著我們,這時kaka幫我補充介紹我的家族來自哪一個區域,是哪一個家的孩子,這時長輩們才開始有了反應。kaka說完話後,其中一位阿嬤走出來,「你是Kiku的第幾個女兒?」他用族語說,我的族語並不好,但是剛好阿嬤的問句很簡單,我也用簡單的族語回答他「第二個。」她過來握著我的雙手、擁抱我並開始哭泣,她說她是外婆的好朋友,由於我的長相與媽媽、外婆極為相像,因此而勾動了她的思念與回憶,事後她還補充說明她不僅是外婆的好朋友,也是祖父這一邊的親戚。這時一旁的mama笑著對我說,「都是認識的嘛,你要早一點說啊!」,我當下才意識到自己由於忐忑所以躲在外來者的狀態裡,其實什麼都沒有好好的跟耆老說明,我是誰,我與部落的聯繫與脈絡是什麼?是什麼使我帶著學習的心情還有遠方來的藝術家朋友一起回來。

在這之中,mama一開始所說的我們,是不包含著我的,然而最後我可以知道他語氣中的我們是有我在裡面的。而這樣在群體中你我的界定,在阿美族語之中很自然就擁有的概念。然而,什麼時候是我群?什麼時候是非我群?邊境與範圍是否一直的是如此明確而不可動搖的?
阿美族的「我們」有兩種,一種是「kami」,沒有「你」(作為聽者或閱讀者)的「我們」,是對比於聽者相對範圍更加限縮的「我們」 ; 另一種是「kita」,有「你」(作為聽者或是閱讀者)的「我們」,泛指包含聽者或所有人的我們,範圍相對較大也更加模糊。究竟要使用哪一種我們,則要看說話者自己的判斷,以及說話段落的前後文情境而定。

然而,因為語言本身所傳達出的不同距離/親密與空間層次,當我們說話用到「我們」時,在某些情境下可以清楚的界定出應該使用kita或是kami,例如:

1. Nanay(希望)mapalemed(被祝福/被引入夢境)kita(我們)!
翻譯:希望我們能被祝福/被引入夢境!


2. Malemeday(好運 )kami( 我們)!
翻譯:我們運氣好

情境上與習慣上,當說話者給予祝福時通常會使會kita,希望自己所想像的群體以及所有聽者與接收訊息的人都能得到祝福,句子中所包含的群體空間範圍可以隨之擴張、延伸。因此在例句1情境之中,假如把kita置換成kami就會變得不適當。在例句2中,說話者明確地清楚要形容的是所屬群體範圍之中所處的狀態,因此再這樣的情況下便不會使用kita。

Kita

在Namoh Nofu Pacidal 的〈Ka-kita-an我們之處,非「部落主義」的我群觀〉一文中討論了以kita為字根的「Ka-kita-an」一詞所揭示出的「我群」觀點與空間慨念。在過去的阿美族傳統社會之中,Kakita’an (祖源家族的祖屋)的祭祀傳統曾是部落日常生活與精神上的重心,並且在傳統阿美族社會當中政教合一的脈絡之下,Kakitaan無論是在社會制度上、或信仰上都是族人祭祀與生活上的中心。然而,作為祖源家族的祖屋,在阿美族語裡是以包含性的kita為字根而非排他性的kami,所以說:

語言上來看Kakita'an,Ka-kita-an,Kita是它的詞幹,所謂的Kita也就是我們(無排他性),Ka(前綴本意)+Kita(我們)+an(之處),「我們之處」。而當初Kakitaan之所以用Kita而不是Kami,其實是非常合理的,kita是包括聽話者在內的我們(無排他),kami是不包括聽話者在內的(排他);對祖源家族來說,支系樹所分支出去的家系都是我群,都是源於「宗源」的我們,宗源的意義在於kita'an所在的地方,就是祖源。」
(Namoh Nofu Pacidal,2017 )

Kakita'an這個字蘊含的,是支系家族所分支出去以及納含移動、遷徙的族人所共同的歷史:

「歷史」存於共在「之間」,這個「之間」也就是說明了不同的「個體」的關係,才因此共在歷史「之間」。
(Namoh Nofu Pacidal,2017 )

如此,我們可以理解,以Ka-kita-an為例的kita的群體概念所涵蓋的,與其相對應的空間與邊界之概念,並非是僵固不變的。在阿美族語對於kita的敘述之中,無論是流動地、遷移地、游移地等都由於個體之間地聯繫、差異等而形成一個群體。換言之,kita整體的形塑與指涉也正是由於包含著不同樣態的個體而存在。所以當我們說著kita時,它的邊界是模糊的,樣態是多元的,但是我們共享在一個共同的群體裡。

在回返母體文化、田野、創作,甚至是做跨文化的交流時,kita與kami漸漸成為丈量自身的量尺,並時刻提醒自己在這之間所蘊含的不同距離、親密與層次,在什麼樣情境下的它們的用法不可替換,或是什麼樣的情況下它們之間漸為模糊,可以替換。

Kami

Kami的應用,是在日常生活之中,當說話者想要明確地指涉出排除非我的群體範圍的情境之下。然而,除了在日常的使用外,另一方面我們也可以觀察到,kami也逐漸形成一種在許多推行族群文化發展,社會與抗爭運動等像外宣告會使用的詞彙,例如:

O sowal(語言 ) no niyam(我們的)kami(我們), Mipa'es(保障/捍衛) to saka'orip(要活下去)no finacadan(族群) !
翻譯:我們是我們的語言,捍衛民族生存權!
因此kami所蘊含的,正是字詞間所透露的是敘述上的相對親密感,以及清楚地指涉範圍。並且,聽者與所述說的群體之間的樣態也相對明確。

因此kami所蘊含的,正是字詞間所透露的是敘述上的相對親密感,以及清楚地指涉範圍。並且,聽者與所述說的群體之間的樣態也相對明確。

Kita 與 Kami 之間

由於群體之間的你我有別,而突顯個體差異的背景,而非形成單一的一體。因此我群作指涉的有時候是kita有的時候是kami,我群的概念蘊含著彼此的差異與彈性。而我在族語中所學習到的kita/kami這組同義字詞中內嵌的差異性,也教會了我在接觸不同文化群體時作為彼此相互關照的起點。

2019,我由於打開-當代藝術工作站與馬來西亞COAC(Center for Orang Asli Concerns;半島原住民關懷中心)合作的跨國交流計畫《KANTA Portraits馬來西亞—台灣交流計劃》,去到馬來半島(Malay Peninsula),造訪馬來半島上霹靂州庫內村(Kampung Cunex)的Temiar部落、雪蘭莪州Lanjan山旁特姆村的Temuan族人、彭亨州雲彬Jemeri村的耶坤族,及加厘島(Carey)布本村的瑪美里族(Mah Meri tribe),以自身原住民處境為鏡進行對話。其中在探訪上霹靂州庫內村(Kampung Cunex)的Temiar部落的過程中,有幾個晚上,我被邀請一起共同參與他們的傳統儀式。儀式的執行是在沒有任何亮光的傳統建築中,儀式開始前只有主持儀式的Atok Long面前的幾根蠟燭供給族人進入就位的光,待儀式開始蠟燭就會熄滅,只有月光透過茅草與木頭穿進室內時才偶有亮光。做為以影像紀錄為創作方法的創作者,幾乎不可能在儀式中進行拍攝,事前我也被告知不能進行任何形式的拍攝紀錄、錄音等。儀式在黑暗中進行,耳邊充滿著族人的歌聲、樂器聲與舞蹈聲,每次為時1個多小時,每此在黑暗中我總是感受到莫名的迷離感。接近尾聲時,所有人會輪流接受經由葉子所留下的水浸過全身,我也在每一次被邀請前去透過水接受神靈的庇護。儀式結束後族人告訴我,由於我也浸過儀式中的水,我也成為他們的一份子,並且有一些規範需要遵守。

幾天後,我們聊到儀式進行的過程,部落中的族人主動提出,他們可以在有燈光的部落活動中心重現他們在黑暗中所做的活動讓我拍攝下來,我感到非常訝異他們願意重現儀式的整個過程。但在我們彼此確認過重現儀式過程與被攝影機拍攝下來無關乎信仰、與神靈間的交流,單純出於他們想要使我了解與被紀錄的原由後,我豁然理解了這個「重現」活動的邏輯,他們可以「表演」給我看,並且我們彼此都確認了這只是一個「表演」,這個「表演」可以被紀錄與分享。它的再製、傳播出去後成為其他人了解他們文化的途徑,但這實際上與他們的生活與信仰脫離。

在這個「表演」的活動中,我們共同度過了一個愉快的夜晚。事前長輩們還討論著需不需要穿著傳統服表演讓攝影機可以有畫面拍攝,但大家最後一起決定以最方便舒服的服裝重現就好,因為他們平常作儀式時也是這樣子的。在相同的服裝、樂音與聲響中,我拍攝下了族人們作著相同的動作,表演出來的過程,但是場域不同、空間感不同,與之相稱的我與他們在當中的角色也出現了轉化。我理所當然地,一直都是一個從另一個國家、族群與文化所來到他們生活中的人,即使有所分別,但在儀式裡我被接納共同接受神靈的庇佑成為他們的一份子。但是在表演、拍攝、傳播與創作之中,同樣的分別確是必須明確被認知與界定出來,在「表演」中我們能夠模擬他們在黑暗中的活動與感受,但那儀式中才能帶來的狀態與交流,只有在進入那個幾乎不見光的屋子裡,沒有任何攝影紀錄,以及他們與神靈交流時才能真的捕捉到。

在kita與kami之間,在幾乎不見光的屋子裡與明亮的活動中心之間,在找到與部落的連結與展示計畫之間,群體中的身份轉換只是在一瞬之間,在一個破口,又或者是在思量的角度之間,我群的界定有時需要清楚有時可以模糊,然而就是因爲有這樣的思考在,它們也同時保留了界定中的差異與彈性。在不同文化與經歷的接縫與轉圜之中,我有時不知所措,有時挫敗,有時背肯認,然而kita與kami總有著它們帶給我的提醒與度量,成為在創作上的轉身與測量。

阿美族語第一人稱複數代名詞

  • 第一人稱複數(包含式) 第一人稱複數(排他式)
  • 主格 kita kami
  • 賓格 titanan tamiyanan
  • 屬格 ita niyam
  • 所有格 mita niyam



Translator | 黃亮融 Alex Huang
Proofreading | Thomas Argiro